The Buffalo Billion Boondoggle

Introduction

New York State poured $959 million into a solar-panel manufacturing plant in Buffalo, promoted as the cornerstone of the state’s Buffalo Billion and a model for high-tech economic renewal. [1] The project was meant to create thousands of advanced-manufacturing jobs, attract new industry to western New York, and demonstrate how public investment could drive a clean-energy future.

What emerged instead was a publicly financed facility that never met its goals. The promised high-tech jobs became mostly data-annotation and assembly work. The solar-manufacturing equipment—purchased for $240 million—was sold for scrap at nineteen cents on the dollar. [2] A 2019 state audit found the project returned only fifty-four cents in economic benefit for every public dollar spent.[3] Nearly all of the state’s $959 million investment was written off.[1]

Tesla now leases the factory and remaining equipment for one dollar per year. [4] The facility functions largely to preserve head-count targets rather than produce solar panels,[5] while Buffalo’s hoped-for economic revitalization never arrived. Construction firms with political ties, state officials who gained publicity, and Tesla itself all retained their advantages. Taxpayers absorbed the loss.

The Buffalo solar factory is more than a failed project. It is a dramatic demonstration of how public risk and private capture can be engineered into economic-development policy. The sections that follow trace how that structure formed, who benefited at each stage, and why failure was its predictable outcome.


The Buffalo Billion Promise

In 2014, Governor Andrew Cuomo launched the Buffalo Billion—a $1 billion economic-development initiative intended to revive western New York’s economy through state-led investment. [6] Its flagship project would be a state-owned solar-panel manufacturing plant on the Buffalo River, envisioned as the largest in the Western Hemisphere. The factory would symbolize a clean-energy future, create 3,000 high-tech manufacturing jobs in Buffalo and 5,000 statewide, and demonstrate that government could catalyze private innovation.[7]

Under the plan, New York would build the 1.2-million-square-foot facility and purchase all manufacturing equipment. SolarCity, founded by Elon Musk’s cousins Lyndon and Peter Rive, would lease the plant for one dollar per year and operate it as a solar-panel production hub. [8] Cuomo placed the project under the direction of Alain Kaloyeros, president of SUNY Polytechnic Institute and chief architect of the state’s high-tech investment strategy.

Before construction was even complete, two developments reshaped the project. In 2015 the state quietly amended its agreement with SolarCity: the definition of “high-tech” jobs disappeared, the number of required manufacturing positions dropped from 900 to 500, and oversight language weakened. [9] That same period also brought a corporate shift with lasting consequences—Elon Musk moved to acquire SolarCity through Tesla, turning the publicly funded Buffalo plant into an asset of his company before it had produced a single panel.[10–13] Whether that outcome was foreseen or merely convenient, it ensured that control of the state’s billion-dollar investment would pass to Tesla once construction ended.

The amended contract and the impending takeover set the pattern that would define the Buffalo project: the state assumed the cost and risk, while private partners retained flexibility and future gains.


The Public Paid

Every dollar that built Buffalo’s solar factory came from the public. Every decision about how to spend it came from state officials. New York committed $959 million in taxpayer funds—about $350 million for construction, $240 million for solar-manufacturing equipment, and the remainder for site preparation and ancillary costs. [14]

A fiduciary decision prioritizes the financial interests of the people whose money is being spent. These were were political decisions, not fiduciary ones. The state agencies directing the Buffalo Billion program—Empire State Development and SUNY Polytechnic Institute—used public funds to build and equip a facility that would then be leased to SolarCity, and later Tesla, for one dollar per year. [15] The company has no obligation to repay the capital costs and faced only minimal penalties if job targets were missed.[16]

The structure guaranteed that the public carried all risk while private interests retained all flexibility. If the venture failed, taxpayers would absorb the loss; if it succeeded, Tesla would capture the gains. By separating financial responsibility from financial control, the state created the conditions for the extraction that followed.


Construction

The construction phase turned public funds into private gains. While New York officials promoted the Buffalo solar factory as a symbol of renewal, the real project advanced behind closed doors—through quiet contract revisions, politically connected developers, and decisions that reshaped the deal long before a single panel was produced.

Two firms, LPCiminelli and COR Development, received the principal construction contracts worth hundreds of millions of dollars. [17] Both had been major contributors to Governor Cuomo’s campaigns, donating between $150,000 and $225,000.[19] The bid requirements were written with extraordinary specificity: the request for proposals demanded a developer with “fifty years of local experience,” a description that fit LPCiminelli precisely and excluded almost everyone else.[18] These were political decisions, not fiduciary ones.

Federal prosecutors later determined that the process had been rigged to steer contracts to favored companies. In 2018, Alain Kaloyeros, head of SUNY Polytechnic and Cuomo’s chief economic-development official, was convicted of bid rigging. [17] In 2023, the Supreme Court overturned the conviction on procedural grounds, and prosecutors have indicated plans to retry the case.[20] By that point, the public had already paid and the private parties had already collected. LPCiminelli captured roughly $25 million in proceeds from the RiverBend contract, and COR Development executives about $8 million each.[21]

As construction wrapped up, the project’s corporate foundation collapsed. SolarCity, the original lessee, was deep in debt and losing cash. In 2016, Tesla announced plans to acquire the company, closing the deal before the Buffalo factory even opened. [22] The acquisition transferred control of a nearly billion-dollar, taxpayer-funded facility—and $240 million in state-purchased equipment—to Tesla for a lease of one dollar per year. The change was legal and publicly filed but never emphasized in the state’s announcements or press events. While officials celebrated the arrival of a world-famous innovator, they did not mention that the plant’s purpose, ownership, and risk profile had already shifted.[23]

By the time the factory opened, the transfer was complete. Developers had secured guaranteed profits; Tesla had inherited a fully built, debt-free facility; and Governor Cuomo had banked political credit for bringing “high-tech jobs” to Buffalo. The public, having financed every stage, owned a facility whose economic purpose was already dissolving.


Job Requirement Manipulation

When Tesla acquired SolarCity, it also inherited the Buffalo factory’s job-creation mandate and a $290 million penalty clause for failing to meet it. [24] Internal due-diligence reports later showed that Tesla even considered paying that penalty and abandoning Buffalo altogether before concluding that the political cost would be too high.[29] The company never built the solar-manufacturing operation that the state had financed, but it learned how to satisfy the letter of its contract without fulfilling the purpose.

The original agreement promised 3,000 high-tech jobs in Buffalo and 5,000 statewide. By 2015—before the factory opened—the state had already amended those terms. The definition of “high-tech” work disappeared, and the number of required manufacturing positions fell from 900 to 500. [25] The new standard allowed almost any on-site employment to count toward compliance.

Tesla used that flexibility to meet its quota on paper. By the end of 2021, the company reported 1,460 total jobs, just over the revised requirement. [26] About a third of those workers performed data annotation for Tesla’s Autopilot software—labeling images and video to train self-driving systems. These were entry-level clerical positions, not advanced-manufacturing or clean-energy jobs. Another several hundred assembled Supercharger components for Tesla’s vehicle network, while roughly 300 to 400 employees worked on solar-related tasks.[27]

Employment at the facility has fluctuated between 1,600 and 1,800, enough to maintain formal compliance and avoid penalties. [28] The numbers remain technically accurate and substantively misleading. The Buffalo factory exists as a workplace but not as the manufacturing center taxpayers funded.


Product Failure

The Buffalo factory never became the solar-manufacturing hub New York had paid for. Production goals that once defined the project’s promise were quietly abandoned as the equipment aged and the technology moved on. The product had struggled from the start—the Solar Roof prototype unveiled in 2016 was later revealed to have been a nonfunctional mock-up built to bolster investor confidence before Tesla’s acquisition of SolarCity. [35–38]

Panasonic, Tesla’s partner in solar manufacturing, withdrew from the venture in 2020, citing lack of profitability and weak demand. [30] Tesla’s Solar Roof, unveiled years earlier as the centerpiece product for the Buffalo plant, remained at a “nascent” stage—incapable of mass production. Even the company’s own installations fell far short of projections: around 21 roofs per week, compared with the promised 1,000.[31]

The factory’s operations shifted toward other uses. Tesla repurposed portions of the facility for Supercharger assembly, data operations, and other internal projects unrelated to solar energy. The solar-manufacturing equipment, purchased by the state for roughly $240 million, became obsolete for its intended purpose. Between 2020 and 2021, New York State sold or scrapped nearly all of it. At public auction, machinery originally bought for $207 million brought in $39 million—about nineteen cents on the dollar. [32] The rest was recycled, scrapped, or transferred to other sites. The state retained about $32 million in usable assets.[33] Some equipment was trucked to a scrap yard in Corfu after months in storage that cost the state roughly $250,000.[39–42]

In a further irony, Tesla later installed Chinese-manufactured LONGi solar panels on the Buffalo factory’s roof rather than panels made at the site. [34]

The Buffalo plant still operates, but its mission is unrecognizable. Tesla occupies a publicly funded facility—leased for one dollar per year—that was built for renewable-energy manufacturing and now serves corporate logistics and component assembly. What was once presented as a cornerstone of New York’s clean-energy strategy functions instead as a subsidized workspace for private enterprise.


Audit Results

The state’s own audits confirmed what the project’s outcomes had already made visible: New York’s billion-dollar solar venture produced losses rather than returns. A 2019 audit by the State Comptroller found that for every public dollar spent on the Buffalo factory, the state received only fifty-four cents of economic benefit. Successful economic-development projects typically generate about thirty dollars in returns for each dollar invested. The Buffalo facility performed ninety-eight percent worse than that standard.\[1\]

Independent auditors had already written down the investment the previous year. In 2018, New York recorded an $884 million loss, acknowledging that nearly the entire $959 million commitment had lost its value.\[13\] Depending on the measurement method and timing, the cost per job ranged from $525,000 to $959,000—levels far beyond any rational standard for job creation.

These numbers did not come from critics or opponents; they came from the state’s own accountability mechanisms. The audits did not uncover a hidden failure—they certified a public one. And by the time those findings were released, the political and financial beneficiaries had already moved on.


Political Benefits

Governor Cuomo’s administration gained politically from the Buffalo project long before the audits revealed its failure. The Buffalo Billion program was designed as an economic-development showcase, and the solar factory became its centerpiece. Cuomo announced the project, held press events during construction, and later stood beside Tesla executives to celebrate the factory’s opening. These appearances generated headlines, speeches, and campaign material that reinforced his image as a champion of upstate renewal.

The rewards were immediate and risk-free. Political credit accumulated at the announcement stage, while accountability lagged years behind. By the time audits documented the losses, the narrative of success had already served its purpose. For the governor and his allies, the project’s real value lay not in production or employment but in publicity—the visible evidence of investment and ambition, regardless of outcome.\[2\]

The political structure mirrored the financial one: benefits were captured early and insulated from reversal. The same pattern that protected corporate and contractor gains also protected political reputations. Audit findings were delayed until after key public statements and appearances.


Extraction Pattern

The Buffalo solar factory illustrates how wealth extraction can occur through official channels rather than overt corruption. Public officials authorized nearly a billion dollars in spending, structured in ways that guaranteed the public would bear all risk. Developers with political ties secured contracts that could not lose money. Tesla acquired state-built assets for almost nothing, repurposed them for its own use, and met its obligations through technical compliance rather than performance.

Each stage of the project followed the same logic: public cost, private gain, and political credit. The construction phase rewarded connected firms; the operational phase rewarded a corporation able to redefine success; and the political phase rewarded officials who could present each announcement as progress. When the system failed, none of those beneficiaries were required to return what they had gained.

Whether any participant intended fraud is secondary. The structure itself ensured the outcome. Once public money was committed without enforceable accountability, extraction was not a risk—it was the predictable result.


Current Status

As of 2025, the Buffalo factory continues to operate under Tesla’s lease of one dollar per year. The company briefly announced plans to manufacture Dojo supercomputers and other components at the site—projects unrelated to solar energy—but those plans were later canceled.\[14\]

Employment at the facility remains between 1,600 and 1,800, sufficient to maintain contractual compliance though far below the original vision for a large-scale solar-manufacturing hub.\[15\] A limited number of employees continue to assemble Solar Roof materials, but mass production never materialized.

New York State still owns a facility that cost taxpayers $959 million and has returned only fifty-four cents for every public dollar spent. The solar-manufacturing equipment that once justified the investment has been sold for scrap, and the “high-tech” jobs that were supposed to transform Buffalo’s economy largely exist in clerical or assembly work.

Tesla retains a publicly funded industrial complex at negligible cost. The developers who built it have been paid. The officials who promoted it have moved on. What remains is a case study in how an economic-development program became a mechanism for wealth transfer—from the public that financed it to the private interests that captured it.

We note that while the flagship project failed, some smaller Buffalo Billion initiatives had modest success.


References

  1. New York State Comptroller. Audit 2017-S-60: Empire State Development – Buffalo Billion and SolarCity. Office of the State Comptroller (2018).
  2. Spectrum News 1 Buffalo. (2021, Nov 15). State recovers fraction of Tesla equipment cost.
  3. Wagner, J. (2016, May 12). SolarCity slashes Buffalo factory commitment. Investigative Post.
  4. Empire Center staff. (2016, Jun 28). Solar Subsidy. Empire Center for Public Policy.
  5. Vielkind, J. (2016, Sep 26). Cuomo will ‘set aside’ campaign contributions from developers. Politico.
  6. U.S. Department of Justice. (2018, Dec 11). Former State University President Alain Kaloyeros and three corporate executives sentenced to prison for fraud in connection with Buffalo Billion bid-rigging.
  7. Yassin, M. (2024, Aug 13). New Tesla deal slashes penalties, ups rent. Investigative Post.
  8. Colias, T., & De Avila, J. (2023, Jul 6). New York State built Elon Musk a $1 billion factory: ‘It was a bad bet.’ Wall Street Journal.
  9. Ballaban, M. (2023, Jul 6). Nearly half of Tesla’s Buffalo solar panel factory staff aren’t working on solar panels. Jalopnik.
  10. Wagner, J. (2023, Apr 2). Report details Tesla’s solar struggles. Investigative Post.
  11. Soave, R. (2023, Jul 6). Tesla solar factory not living up to New York’s $1 billion investment. Reason.
  12. Investigative Post. (2024, Mar 19). Did Tesla put a rival company’s solar panels on its Buffalo factory?
  13. Fort Schuyler Management Corporation. (2018, Jun 29). Consolidated financial statements and independent auditors’ report, year ended June 30, 2018.
  14. Scripps Media, Inc. (2025, Jul 21). ‘I’m sick of it’: Advocates urge New York to rethink Tesla deal in South Buffalo. WKBW.
  15. Buffalo Post. (2022, Feb 1). How Tesla built its Buffalo workforce beyond solar to dodge a big state penalty. The Buffalo News.